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SUN, 13 JAN 2002 01:54:02 GMT
2001 - A Year of Surprises for the Bulgarians
AIM Sofia, December 22, 2001
At its close, the year of 2001 was a year of surprises for the
Bulgarians. And not only for them. The country is entering the second
year of the new century with a rather exotic political and institutional
scenery - the Right Government, with Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha at its
head, and the Left President - former leader of the Bulgarian Socialist
Party Georgi Prvanov.
And if no one dared forecast such political configuration at the
beginning of the year, some other events have been expected and, in that
respect, were not much of a surprise. Such were, for example, the news
from the EU Summit in Lachen, two weeks before the end of the year.
All past 12 months the authoritative European representatives
repeatedly underlined Bulgaria's progress in negotiations on its
accession to the EU. However, the declaration adopted on December 15,
during the Summit of EU member countries in the Belgian castle Lachen,
came as a cold shower. In it, the EU leaders clearly stated that only 10
out of 12 countries that were currently conducting such negotiations,
would be ready for membership in 2004. Bulgaria and Rumania were not
included among the mentioned 10 states. Irrespective of the fact that
the authorities have presented this decision as a veritable tragedy, it
did not come as a surprise, the more so as the basic criteria for the EU
membership were economic indicators of each candidate state. It is
sufficient to look at the rank-list of the "Wall Street Journal" made
according to the "economic freedom" criteria to realise what were
Sofia's chances. This year, Bulgaria ranked 108 among 156 countries.
This automatically placed it in the group of "rather unliberated
economies".
What economic achievements could Bulgaria boast of if the share of grey
economy is 40 percent of its gross national product? That means that USD
17-18 billion worth goods and services have been produced, rather than
USD 12 billion, as the national statistical data show. Per capita income
is poor compared to that of Central European states, so that the EU
membership is a very distant prospect.
As far as accession to NATO is concerned, it seems that Bulgaria
stands a better chance. Especially, as in December the Parliament
adopted a decision on the destruction of CC-23 rockets, on which
Brussels generals very much insisted. Bulgaria is the last country in
Europe that still has this type of rockets. After October 2002, when the
deadline for their destruction expires, Sofia would be able to wait
calmly to be mentioned at the Prague Summit next November as a member of
the North-Atlantic Treaty Organisation. Unless, some other surprises
occur there too.
It was, therefore, not strange that, on December 22, upon his return
from the World Economic Forum "Crans Montana" , the still current
President Petre Stojanov dampened the enthusiasm of Bulgarians stating
that they would not be able to meet the NATO criteria by 2002. However,
Bulgarians did not react so dramatically to the possible omission of
Bulgaria in Prague, because the anti-NATO sentiments in the country have
not yet completely subsided, although a full political consensus has
been reached regarding its membership in the North-Atlantic Treaty
Organisation. This was only natural after the drill every Bulgarian went
through in the last 12 months – the past year had so many surprises that
people are now ready for anything.
Incidentally, surprises in politics were mostly connected with the past
elections. Both elections - those parliamentary in June and the
presidential ones in November - brought surprises to both the voters, as
well as politicians and sociologists. Irrespective of the fact that all
sociological research conducted before parliamentary elections of June
17, forecast the superiority of the newly-formed National Movement
Simeon II (NDSV), the results came as a shock, because according to
sociologists the new political force should have won 40 percent of
votes, at the most. However, the so-called Imperial Movement inflicted a
disastrous defeat to the Alliance of Democratic Forces (SDS) and
succeeded in securing one half of seats (120) in the new Parliament. And
whereas the SDS's defeat in June did not surprise anyone, everyone was
amazed by the high percentage of votes won by the NDSV.
However, the greatest surprise came in November at the presidential
elections. All sociological surveys pointed to a solid advantage of the
current President Petre Stojanov. He ran for President as an independent
candidate and got the support of various political forces, including the
NDSV. After his first successful presidential mandate and stable support
he enjoyed, his victory seemed certain, but in the end the BSP leader,
Georgi Prvanov secured electoral victory. He decided to run for office
after it became known that the NDSV was going to support Stojanov's
nomination and not put up its own candidate. Just before the first round
on November 11, sociologists had some doubts that Prvanov might make it
to the second round a week later. However, not only did he make it to
the second round on November 18, but he also secured the leading
position with a convincing advantage of 10 percent over his rival.
These elections were the greatest surprise and, at the same time, the
gravest defeat of the Bulgarian sociology since the beginning of
democratic changes in Bulgaria in 1998. The politicians of the Right
were also surprised, because for almost 10 years journalists, political
scientists and sociologists suggested that it was not prestigious to
vote for the Left, i.e. for former communists. And since the Bulgarians
were flattered to think that they lived in modern times, they voted for
the Right. However, 12 years after the beginning of transition for many
people the democracy started to resemble a new, special kind of poverty.
And the message of both June and November elections is clear: the
Bulgarians want to live better. If not, new, even bigger surprises
should not be ruled out.
Plamen Kulinski
(AIM)
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