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THU, 13 DEC 2001 02:43:23 GMT
PRESS REVIEW November 23-30, 2001PRESS IN BELGRADE PRESS IN TIRANA PRESS IN ZAGREB PRESS IN PRISTINA PRESS IN LJUBLJANA PRESS IN SARAJEVO PRESS IN BANJA LUKA
PRESS IN BELGRADE
DANAS, Nov. 24-25, 2001
Kosovo, a Week after the First Parliamentary Elections
THE DOOR IS OPENED, TO WHOM AND TO WHAT?
(...) As an American Balkanologist said, the situation is exceptionally
fluid, which because of the lack of international consensus, permits all
kinds of interpretations, and therefrom possible disputes about the
ultimate political status of Kosovo. They all refer to the formulation
on "essential autonomy", but hardly anyone can offer a founded
explanation what it practically means: return to '74 Constitution,
transformation of Kosovo into the third Yugoslav republic or autonomy
within the constitutional and legal framework of Serbia. Each of these
options is unacceptable to the Albanians for the moment, the very
thought that after all they could once again live under the same roof
with Belgrade is odious to them. But they are equally aware that the
present relation of forces in the world does not work in their favour
(independence). For as long as the USA, Russia and China are kept
together by their joint concern about the world terrorism, the door
leading to the independence of Kosovo will be firmly shut.
Civilian (UN) administration of Kosovo was also aware of that when it
established, in Hakkaerup's constitutional framework, the model which
on the one hand produces an illusion among the Albanians that after the
elections they have won self-administration, and on the other, it
intensifies almost all elements of international protectorate. This
means that nothing significant can be decided in Kosovo without the
approval of Hans Hakkaerup. This should suggest the conclusion that the
international community will not withdraw from the territory of the
province for a long time, nor will, therefrom, the question of
determining the final political and (state) status be put on the agenda
in the foreseeable future.
Ivan Torov
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BLIC, Nov. 26, 2001
UNPROTECTED INNOCENCE
In the same issue of Reporter review in which the apocryphal list of 17
possible lodgers of Scheveningen from the ranks of the police and
another odd three hundred living and dead witnesses or possible
suspected participants of the last battles in Kosovo, the report of the
Humanitarian Law Fund was published on police lawless behavior committed
at the time of the former regime. That report, for example, reminds of
beaten up and tortured members of Otpor (Resistance) in Vladicin Han who
were after classical police torture ordered to read Hadzi Antic's
Politika daily, and yet so fat nobody has asked that the editors be
arrested, the review forbidden or the Fund abolished.
It is possible that nobody, absolutely nobody, among the members of
(former) police did anything wrong in Kosovo, but the police that hanged
children upside down in Vladicin Han and beat them with rubber batons
and then tortured them by forcing them to read Politika aloud, must have
certain difficulties to convince an ordinary mortal that it treated the
Albanians in Kosovo "with velvet gloves".
The new regime cannot continue to found their attitude towards crime and
criminals, i.e. the Hague Tribunal, at least not for a long time, on the
allegation that there were crimes but not criminals. A much more
efficient form of cooperation would be submitting of authentic evidence
against criminals - which would also be an efficient protection of the
falsely indicted and accused - than be surprised when such evidence
"rises to the surface" of the Danube or on the pages of newspapers.
(...)
The regime which is trying to establish its own authority by protecting
without reservations, the police from all forms of the reign of terror
and violence they did (not) commit, reveals a dangerous lack of
arguments and instruments in favour of its own legitimacy: if this
regime has nothing stronger to offer in its behalf but the resoluteness
to "defend" itself, or rather stay in power with the help of the army
and the police, we seem to be heading towards a serious misunderstanding
on the nature and goals of democratic transformation of the society that
started on October 5, 2000. (...)
Branislav Milosevic
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NEDELJNI TELEGRAF, Nov. 28, 2001
Notes of the Editor-in-Chief
CARLA VS. ZORAN
Let us go in medias res: The Hague is overthrowing Serbian government
which, paradoxically, wants to cooperate with The Hague, and whose
reformist course is supported by the USA and the European Union.
In the building of the Government of Serbia, under the high ceiling of
its corridors and in the labyrinth of its staircases, the echo of Carla
del Ponte's heels is still roaming around, that is how sharply and
angrily she walked during her recent visit...
She was received as a friend in the Government of Serbia, so her
arrogance can be interpreted as an effort to keep up her image of the
steel prosecutor (acquired solely in the case of Milosevic) which she
has in the media on this planet...
So as soon as cameras in the courtroom are turned on, aware that the
whole world is watching her, by mimicking Carla begins commenting on
everything that is happening: raises her eyebrows, purses her lips,
smiles contemptuously, gives drop-dead stares. And Florence Hartmann, as
a counterpoint, with seducing pronunciation of Serbian, eye-glasses and
mini skirt, radiates with eroticism unbelievable for the author of the
extremely one-sided book on the war in he Balkan. It is humanly hard to
resist the glamour created around the Hague Tribunal, but let it remain
in front of the cameras and for the cameras. The job of the prosecutor
is to disentangle the labyrinth of Balkan crimes in the war which, as we
have already written, there were many, not just Serb, organizers and
participants.
In Zagreb, Sarajevo, Pristina, there is not so much understanding for
Carla del Ponte like in Belgrade. Why isn't Alija Izetbegovic in the
Hague, or Croatian and Albanian organizers of war crimes? It is
impossible to try Milosevic properly without their presence in the
dock. By developing one indictment after the other against Milosevic
without the leaders of the "brotherly peoples", a conviction is created
again that only the Serbs are tried in The Hague. And this conviction
can cost dearly the democratic regime in Belgrade. And Serbia, of
course. If Carla estimates the will of Belgrade to cooperate with The
Hague as a week link which should be attacked with great force, the
result may be a strong link with which the cooperation will stop. It may
overthrow the current, but establish a new government that will close
Serbia against the world like at the time of Milosevic. And that will be
the end of Carla's appearances in front of cameras.
Momcilo Djorgovic
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PRESS IN TIRANA
GAZETA SHQIPTARE, Nov. 25, 2001
A DUBIOUS ANTI-TERRORIST PACT
FYROM's proposal contains not only an error that deviates from the
objective and form of organization of the world anti-terrorist
coalition. FYROM's diplomacy has manifested a Balkan artlessness and
persistence in its open statement of real objectives of the promoter of
this alleged "anti-terrorist" pact by proclaiming its clear and unique
anti-Albanian nature.
On November 15 President Boris Trajkovski declared that "Albanian
terrorism is threatening us, our neighbours and the whole Balkan". At
their bilateral meeting Kostunica and Trajkovski declared that the joint
enemy of the two states was Albanian terrorism. In this way the target
officially proclaimed by the leadership of FYROM of this regional
"antiterrorist" pact are the Albanians against whom Belgrade and Skopje
are offering to gather all the states in the region. This pact which
lacks both arguments and diplomatic demagogy, was proposed to Turkey,
Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Albania and the states that resulted from
former Yugoslavia. One can clearly discern a lack of logical sense.
Whatever the stands, reservations, politics and strategy of relations of
each of the states in the region towards the Albanian nation, it is
impossible to believe that they will be so naive to join the
Serb-Macedonian pact which officially proclaims that it is aimed against
the Albanians. Reliable diplomatic sources in Tirana and other capitals
in the region say that except for Belgrade none of the diplomatic and
official circles of other countries in the region gave an affirmative
reply nor supported the Serb-Macedonian proposal about the pact,
moreover, they openly ignored it. The presented pact is far from the
spirit and objectives of the world anti-terrorist coalition.
The USA have clearly stated that the philosophy of the organization,
principles and platform of this big coalition relies on two main
foundations:
First, the leadership of the world anti-terrorist coalition by the USA.
Second, the understanding and acceptance of the essence of
anti-terrorist struggle as the war not between different civilizations,
religions or races, but as a war between civilization and
anti-civilization. In a speech on multilateral struggle against
terrorism held on November 14, Ricard Haass, director of the Political
Planning Office of the State Department, underlined that every
multilateral initiative in the struggle against terrorism had to
recognise the leadership of the USA and that these anti-terrorist
initiatives could not be linked to memories or animosities from the past
or strained relations among states.
The Serb-Macedonian diplomacy still cannot accept new reality created in
the world after September 11 and continues, for one reason or another,
to be the hostage of obsolete stands towards other races and creeds.
Prime Minister I. Racan warned the region against the threat of the
effort to identify terrorism with races, religion or nation.
The region of South-Eastern Europe is indeed one of the least stable
regions of the European continent where destabilization in the past ten
years derived from state terrorism of Milosevic's type or
discriminatory policies pursued by Macedonian leadership towards the
Albanian people in FYROM. This destabilization might go on if the
objective is creation of mini alliances or mini groups founded on cheap
religious and racial interests against one or the other nation in the
region.
DIPLOMATICUS
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GAZETA 55, Nov. 27, 2001
ANOTHER THREE NEW STATES
The international community cannot persuade, least of all force Serbia
to stop calling itself Yugoslavia and return to its ancient name Serbia.
(...) The name Yugoslavia, if it still formally operates is the merit
not of Serbia but of the small Montenegro as the insignificant component
of that state. (...)
As analysts write, ordinary Serbs are increasingly declaring themselves
in favour of Montenegro's separation and claiming that Serbia is not
suffering because of it.
On the other hand, a large part of the public in Montenegro supports
independence, so it was decided to schedule the referendum. It is
believed there that time has come for Podgorica to save itself from
Belgrade's centralism which wants to keep the small Republic because of
its short sea coast, as strategy and geo-politics. The official policy
of Belgrade declared that in case independence wins as a political
solution, it will recognise the independent state of Montenegro.
As it seems and as it can be seen, it is expected that after four
already recognised countries as independent states - Slovenia, Croatia,
Bosnia & Herzegovina, and Macedonia - there will be three more states.
It is expected that Montenegro will be the fifth. After the historical
Montenegrin referendum and possible victory of independence, it would be
the definite end of formal Yugoslavia. That would bring about a new
political reality. Although Kosovo does not have direct connections with
these developments between Serbia and Montenegro, it follows and
supports the efforts for proclamation of its status of independent
state, as the citizens demand. This is not contrary to Resolution 1244
which recognizes sovereignty of Yugoslavia over Kosovo. When rump
Yugoslavia loses even the form of the Yugoslav state, Kosovo will become
a state with everything that is necessary for a state. And even more
than that: it has the supervision, the support and the protection of
NATO and OUN. Serbia can choose: to change its name into Yugoslavia or
to remove the enormous veil and call itself as it was known throughout
history, simply under the name Serbia.
That is how it is expected the long and bloody crisis will end where it
began - in Kosovo. The figures will return to where they belong. This
settling transforms former Yugoslavia into the status of cold ashes
after big fires, leading the region into the era of pacification.
Kosovo expects formal recognition of independence. Yugoslavia expects
formal non-recognition of the remainder of the federation.
Qemal SAKAJEVA
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PRESS IN ZAGREB
NOVI LIST, Nov. 26, 2001
BEFORE INTRODUCTION OF EUROS, STRENGTHENING OF THE ECONOMY
Is Croatia ready for the introduction of the euro or not? (...) On the
first day of the conference of economists, deputy prime minister Slavko
Linic shifted the responsibility to the Croatian National Bank stressing
that he believed that the central bank was "seriously considering the
introduction of the euro and the exchange rate between kuna and euro".
(...) Indirectly he took the side of those who believe that without a
strong economy and high, or at least higher rate of development - it is
an illusion to even think about the introduction of the euro. "In the
conditions in which Croatian economy is burdened by a series of internal
and external weaknesses, any monetary measure is extremely risky",
confirmed deputy prime minister Linic in a statement for our paper.
(...) For the time being, it should be clear - as macro-economist and
expert for international economic relations, Prof. Dr. Soumitra Sharma,
warns: "Euroisation is not salvation for Croatia, (...) although, on the
other hand, in a way we are already in the zone of the euro, because
most of our savings are in foreign currency".
D. Santic
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SLOBODNA DALMACIJA, Nov. 28, 2001
THE QUESTIONS OF BORDERS AND LJUBLJANSKA BANK TO BE RESOLVED BY
COMPROMISE
"I have come to Croatia in order to confirm that the relations between
Croatia and Slovenia are on a very high level, but that they can be even
better. (...) I am sorry that a certain delay occurred concerning the
most important issue in our relations, determination of the sea border.
But I am convinced that the existing agreement is a good compromise
which leaves debates about the land border aside, because this could
complicate the relations between the two states", said Slovenian
President Milan Kucan after the talks with his host, Croatia's head of
the state Stipe Mesic on Tuesday. (...) Should Croatia and Slovenia
manage to reach an agreement, this readiness and capability to solve
problems would be a specific admission recommendation for the European
Union. (...)
Bisera Lusic
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FERAL TRIBUNE, Dec. 1, 2001.
JUSTICE FOR CROATIA
(...) Ten years after the bloody war in Skabrnja, Zorana Banic turned
up at Zurich airport. Swiss police arrested her because she is wanted by
international police. She is wanted by the Republic of Croatia where she
was sentenced in her absence to the maximum of 20 years in prison for
war crimes. (...) The Republic of Croatia, believe it or not, has lost
in advance the reopened court proceedings against Zorana Banic. Before
the main hearing was even scheduled in a summary procedure, the
proceedings were obstructed by the clumsy Croatian judiciary with the
decisive help of the members of Lawyers' Association in Zadar. (...)
Although the law is resolute in the demand that a defendant who is in
custody must not be without a lawyer a single day, Zorana Banic did not
have one for days, neither de facto nor de iure. (...) After Marinovic,
Jakov Sinkic and Slaven Dmitrovic also refused to defend Zorana Banic.
When it became more than certain that every other lawyer in Zadar whose
name Banic may circle would do the same, Ivan Salina, President of the
Lawyers' Association in Zadar issued a statement. (...) Ivan Salina
shifted the responsibility for the unlawful situation in which Zorana
Banic had found herself to the District Court which had failed to
nominate the defence counsellor ex officio (...) But Zorana Banic is a
criminal, one could say. Yes, I also say, Zorana Banic is indeed a
criminal. And for her brutal crimes she was sentenced by a valid court
decision which has now been abolished. And she will be sentenced again
after her crimes are proven in fair court proceedings. And court
proceedings, it must be clear to everybody but the lawyers in Zadar, can
be just only if Zorana Banic is offered the right to defence. (...)
Predrag Lucic
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PRESS IN PRISTINA
KOHA DITORE, Nov. 26, 2001
WHAT ROAD SHOULD KOSOVO TAKE
>From the interview of Anthony Lloyd, head of British mission in Kosovo
* If we happen to be in a situation to witness forming of the government
by the Albanian political party that won the majority, in this case the
Democratic League of Kosovo, with the Serb Return coalition, what do you
think the reactions would be to the establishment of such a coalition
and do you think that a government that would result from it would be
stable at the present stage?
- I believe that Kosovo may blaze a trail. I believe that Kosovo can set
an example. According to me an inter-ethnic government is the best way
to move ahead, there is more than one community in Kosovo, and
Milosevic's regime paid dearly because it thought otherwise. It is very
significant for the majority to take seriously the responsibility for
the minorities. So this is a good opportunity for Kosovo to blaze a
trail. So my answer is YES, I hope that it would be stable, and NO, I
don't lie. I believe that the assembly is the best way to do it by
votes, not conflicts, by democracy not misunderstandings and violence.
I believe that these elections have paved the road for reasonable
discussions, sensible questions and how to resolve numerous complex
problems among the communities.
*How do you expect the Serbs who will participate in the government will
work?
- I hope and expect that they will work and enable functioning of
self-administration in Kosovo. There was much talk about the definite
status lately. I think that these talks are premature. I think that the
agreement would not be desirable for anybody if we addressed the
definite status now. Very little time has passed since the end of the
conflict and I think that it is too early for political transformation
that occurred in the whole region.
Kosovo will be in a much more favourable position for consideration of
the question of the status at the moment when this transformation begins
to function in modern political institutions with political
representatives. This does not refer just to Kosovo, but also to Serbia.
I think that everybody will help to make the definite status just that -
the last act in the process of political transformation.
Therefore, I hope and expect that the Serb party will work
constructively in the parliament in order to make the multiethnic
parliament, the multiethnic government work. That is the message we will
send the Serbs in the parliament.
Adriatik KELMENDI
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ZERI, Nov. 27-28, 2001
THIS NOVEMBER 28
In the history of political resistance of Kosovo Albanians, November 28
- the Day of the Flag - was usually the occasion to express readiness to
do much more for the liberation of Kosovo and express the wish to live
to see next holiday in freedom.
The greatest Albanian national holiday was for Kosovars at the same time
the day of festivity and the day of sorrow. The reason is known.
This November 28 for the Kosovars has come after successful
parliamentary elections that created new circumstances for the
establishment of democratic authorities in Kosovo, the first in its
history. This time, the citizens of Pristina, capital of Kosovo, will
celebrate the Day of the Flag by the monument to Skenderbeg. The dream
of many generations has come true.
On this November 28, a lot will be said on cooperation, unity, freedom
and democracy, those killed for freedom will be remembered who have been
divided by the living among different parties, necessity of the
independence of Kosovo will be stressed again, which is often understood
as a project of some party or political group.
We do not believe that our politicians will be together on this November
28.
In any case, it is significant to emphasize that ethnic revival has
occurred wherever there are Albanians and that the solution of the
Albanian national question with separate projects in Kosovo, Macedonia,
Montenegro and the Presevo valley, is an integral part of the Western
process of democratization and stabilization of the Balkan.
Blerim SHALA
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PRESS IN LJUBLJANA
MAG, Nov. 28, 2001
INVISIBLE JOVANKA
In fact it is curious how a comparatively young man (Drnovsek is hardly
51) has quickly become Marshall Tito. His party friends speak of him
(and his activities, or inactivities) as if he is not one of them, but
somewhere far above them, since they cannot communicate with him. This
was easily visible last week in the speech of party secretary Bogdan
Biscak who spoke about preparations for the party convention, but
actually could not say anything about what his boss would actually do.
He repeated with some nostalgy the lamentations "that in the Liberal
Democracy of Slovenia they are doing their best to keep Drnovsek at the
head of the party", that they "hope that he will run again" and what "a
shame it would be if they did not manage to persuade him" and that they
are "all waiting with impatience for his decision". All this, instead of
dropping by before the press conference to ask Drnovsek what he intends
to do. This just intensified the speculations and it was obvious that
there are just two possibilities: the leadership of the party has either
intentionally lost contact with Drnovsek or he himself withdrew into
isolation. That is why it is not surprising that for a moment he seemed
to me like Tito in the eighties, but there was no Jovanka in sight.
Danilo SLIVNIK
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DNEVNIK, 30.11.2001.
WHEN FRIENDSHIP IS NOT ENOUGH
Not even the friendship between Milan Kucan and Stipe Mesic, nor the
high reputation Slovenian President undoubtedly enjoys in Zagreb were
sufficient; the dispute about the state border and other open bilateral
issues remain an eminent expression of the so-called national interests
and as such remain out of the range of mutual affinity of certain
politicians. This was probably quickly realized by old friends Kucan and
Racan; parliamentary democracy has its price, even if it is not in
accordance with long-term interests and strategies of the states the
most responsible interpreters of which are their statesmen. To what
extent Kucan’s appearance in the (Croatian) assembly succeeded to
convince or change the opinion of at least one Croatian deputy about the
already initialed agreement on the border will be clear at the session
which will de devoted to the relations with Slovenia. Nobody, however,
has any illusions about it. The approaches to bilateral questions on
the northern and the south of the river Kupa remain different. Slovenia
which pins its hopes in the agreement which is despite everything a
compromise – and for the local self-proclaimed “strugglers for the
southern border” even a capitulation – although it brings it a good
solution in the sea, according to some experts is even better than
expected in case of international arbitration. A part of Croatian
politicians do not doubt it either, because they believe that the
agreement offers a possibility to demand from Slovenia solution of two
painful questions for the Croats: the agreement on Krsko nuclear power
plant and return of foreign currency savings to the Croatian depositors
of Ljubljanska bank. With a little speculative logic we could claim that
Croatia has initialed the agreement in order to attract Slovenia, and
then interrupted the game in order to extort the regulation of the
remaining dubious issues on the eve of Slovenia’s European and Schengen
finish... Will a new round of negotiations be necessary? Will really
international arbitration be needed? Finally, who would benefit from
discontinued negotiations?
Franco JURI
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PRESS IN SARAJEVO
DANI, Nov. 30, 2001
KARL LAMERS, GERMAN MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT: I DID NOT DESIGN THE
"WAITING-ROOM"
(...) DANI: The opposition to Fischer's proposal was very big,
especially in Croatia which insists on the individual process of
integration, especially because the Union of South-Eastern Europe could
be a waiting-room for the reception in the EU. To what extent is this
regional approach a disadvantage for the more progressive countries in
the region, such as Croatia which could soon get the status of a
candidate for reception in the EU?
LAMERS: Just in order to eliminate all possible misunderstandings:
membership in the Union of south-eastern Europe in no way questions the
individual membership in the EU of any individual state in the region,
that is, their way in that direction. Indeed, intensified cooperation
with neighbours will bring political and economic advantages to all the
participants, and it will shorten their individual journey towards the
joining the EU. The process of individual reception in the EU should be
accelerated by the participation in the Union of South-Eastern Europe.
There is no question about a "waiting-room". (...)
Emir SULJAGIC
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OSLOBODJENJE, Nov. 30, 2001
AGREEMENT ON THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE COMMISSION FOR REHABILITATION
OF THE SAVA
Last night in Sarajevo high officials of B&H, Slovenia, Croatia and FR
Yugoslavia signed a letter of intent on the establishment of a
commission for rehabilitation and revitalization of the river Sava. The
letter was signed within Working Table 2 of the Stability Pact for
South-Eastern Europe held in Sarajevo. The ultimate goal of signing of
the letter of intent is to clean and rehabilitate this river in order
to be able to control and use it, which will along with navigation be
enabled by united international efforts. (...)
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DNEVNI AVAZ, Nov. 28, 2001
COMMENT OF THE DAY
Federation on Sale
By selling the Sarajevo Insurance Company to Slovenian Triglav Insurance
Company, B&H Federation has given up a few million convertible marks a
year in favour of Slovenia. Transformation of state ownership into
private, which is for years marked as the key to economic revival and
development of B&H, is slowly but surely turning into its opposite -
public sale of the state. The sale for next to nothing of collapsing
companies in which the main objective is to start-up manufacturing and
employ the workers is quite understandable, even desirable, in view of
the actual situation in B&H economy. However, the fact that the state is
lightly giving up its golden geese which is lately repeatedly occurring,
raises the question not just of expert but also of moral credibility of
the persons charged to protect state interests.
A good illustration of the illogical attitude towards companies which
are an unfailing source of funds for the federal budget is the
privatization of Sarajevo Insurance Company, one of the biggest in B&H.
If the sale of the majority shares to privatization investment funds and
individual participants in public share distribution can be explained by
the wish of the state to give a part of the profit made in privatization
to the citizens, the sale of the remaining 45.5 per cent of the state
capital has absolutely no logical explanation.
Especially because the only potential buyer is Slovenian Triglav
insurance company that is state-owned, which practically means that by
selling Sarajevo Insurance Company B&H Federation is giving up in
Slovenia's favour a reliable annual income of a few million convertible
marks. For a long time, experts in this field have pointed out to this
fact, but also to numerous sorts of damage that result from this way of
disposing of the state capital. Unfortunately, their appeals are not
heard, just like the warnings that Slovenia is economically colonizing
B&H with the latter's own money which derives from the savings of the
citizens of B&H seized by Ljubljanska bank.
Armin ZEBA
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DNEVNI AVAZ, Nov. 28, 2001
INTER-STATE DIPLOMATIC COMMISSION
What Croatia considers to be wrong in the Agreement on Priorities in the
Implementation of the Border Agreement; The Agreement made so
Inter-State Diplomatic Commission (MDP) can correct the borderline
- Croatia does not recognise the validity of the Agreement on Priorities
in the Implementation of the Contract on State border between B&H and
the Republic of Croatia and that is why at the latest session of the
Inter-State Diplomatic Commission for borders the question of this
agreement was qualified as open - Dnevni avaz learns from a well
informed source. The session of the Commission was held a few days ago
in Zagreb. This was the ninth session of the Commission, and the eighth
was held almost two years ago.
- That speaks for itself: simply, Croatia is not satisfied with the very
existence of the Agreement on Priorities. The Agreement was reached at
the time while Croat Democratic Community (HDZ) was still in power in
Croatia. I assume that that is the reason for dissatisfaction of the
current members of the Commission from Croatia. Although, I am
convinced, as the B&H party said in Zagreb, that the Agreement is not
bad and that it offers enough space for good negotiations - our
interlocutor says. The Croatian party, however, our source says,
assesses that the Agreement does not have the power of an inter-state
agreement and that in its further activities the Commission should not
abide by it. (...)
H. Orahovac
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PRESS IN BANJA LUKA
NEZAVISNE NOVINE, Nov. 29, 2001
NAŠI ZLOCINI I PRAVDA
** OUR CRIMES AND JUSTICE
The awareness of thousands of potential criminals who are undisturbed at
large in Bosnia & Herzegovina is not only a threat to our peace of mind,
but questions our readiness to get to grips with our own doubts about
impartiality of the “other” or the “third party”.
Although they were offered assistance of foreign colleagues, judges in
B&H will be the ones who will have to subject to trial the former
“warring parties”, their acquaintances, colleagues or friends!
Nihada Jablic
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NEZAVISNE NOVINE, Nov. 30, 2001
TANDEM FOR THE PAST
The stand of American ambassador in B&H Clifford Bond that he does not
wish to meet the representatives of the Serb Democratic Party (SDS), not
even the ones who hold state offices, as long as this party is not
transformed into a modern democratic party and does not change its
leadership, shows at least two things. First, all the efforts made so
far by Dragan Kalinic, leaders of SDS, to get under the skin of the
representatives of international community in B&H and appear as a true
reformer have failed. Second, Ambassador Bond has made it clear that he
does not wish to talk to Mirko Sarovic either for as long as he behaves
solely as an official of SDS and not as the president of all the
citizens of Republika Srpska regardless of their ethnic or religious
affiliation.
Dragan Jerinic
end
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